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1 INTRODUCTION
The objective of this paper is to analyze the dimension of the second coastal vacation home in the Southern region of Brazil, considering that this phenomenon, even though relevant within the tourism industry, both at the domestic and international level, is not contemplated by any public tourism policy in Brazil. It is understood that in modern society this private space of leisure and enjoyment has become widespread as a status condition, particularly, since the nineteenth century. Subsequently, massification has taken place, and more recently, such flows are associated with the new forms of contemporary mobility.
The second home is understood as a non-hotel type of tourist accommodation to which there is a permanent link, for the successive return to the same destination, and for a period not exceeding one year. A particular aspect is that construction activities, as well as property lease become part of this tourism activity (Karayiannis, Iakoviou & Tsartas, 2013; Vágner & Fiolová, 2011).
Since the 2000s, the recognition of the economic weight of tourism in Brazil has strengthened its institutional structure, whose landmark was the creation of the Ministry of Tourism (MTUER) in 2003. However, the statistical picture remains incomplete and unable to translate for the society the magnitude and results of the flows generated and their multiplier effects. The official databases consider that the offer is focused on the hotel industry. According to MTUR (2015), the economic database of national tourism considers the legal entities registered in the CEMPRE (Central Business Register) as part of the Tourism Survey. The data are based on the National Classification of Economic Activities (CNAE) and are included in codes 55.10-8 (hotels and similar) and 55.90-6 (hostels, guesthouses, boarding houses, camping and others).
In this sense, the flows resulting from the movements made by owners of second homes, as well as by people and companies that rent these dwellings, remain underestimated and obscured. Except for the series produced by the IBGE (Brazilian Statistics and Geographic Institute), which has adopted since 1991 the collection of the territorial variable in the Demographic Census, DUO (Occasional Use Domiciles), no other official database addresses this information. However, this statistical variable is not included in the economic database of tourism, it is part of the household information in the Demographic Census (IBGE, 2010). It is worth mentioning that BSGI considers as DUO the households that are occasionally used for weekend rest, vacations and other purposes related to family free time, without distinguishing whether this use is restricted to owners and relatives, friends, or renters (IBGEa, 2010).
The relative invisibility of the phenomenon of the second home also extends to tourism public policy, despite the increasing territorial and development perspective. The National Tourism Plan 2013-2016 (NTP) which succeeded the National Plan for Tourism Municipality (NPTM), focusing on reducing regional inequalities, the core of the government policies, proposed a vision for the future of the tourism in Brazil structured in a different way, both from a cultural point of view and spatial distribution. To achieve this vision of the future, the PNT proposed a new development model based on two cornerstones: partnerships and decentralized management (Fratucci, 2014).
Initially, in the mapping done in 2004, 219 tourist regions were identified involving 3,203 municipalities. In 2006, after a review work, it reached 200 tourist regions, contemplating 3,819 municipalities, indicating 396 itineraries for the national market (149 regions and 1,027 municipalities). Of these, only 87 were intended to be structured to meet the quality standard required by the international market, which would involve a total of 116 tourist regions, composed of 474 municipalities (Brazil, 2007).
The mapping carried out by the Brazilian Ministry of Tourism currently indicates 291 regions and 2,175 municipalities, categorized according to the number of jobs and formal tourist accommodation establishments, and domestic and international tourist flows (BRAZIL, 2017). One of the questionable aspects is the exclusion of a substantial part of the flows, those referring to the second vacation home.
It is well known that the economic stimulation prompted by these flows and by the promoters of the territory dynamics is distinct, regarding the social and economic relationships traditionally considered as tourism (Muller; Hall & Keen, 2004; Raffestin, 2009). In this case, companies in the construction and real estate segment play a relevant role and, in the destinations where the second home predominates, this role becomes even more explicit, even if they are not seen as tourist enterprises (Coriolano, Barbosa & Sampaio, 2010). Dimensioning and understanding these flows are preconditions for evaluating their multiplier effects.
Considering these reflections, the purpose of research was to identify the coastal destinations of second home, distributed throughout the three states of the Southern region of Brazil. Data on official indicators of the DUO (Occasional Use Domiciles) were cross-checked with the results of the survey of tourism destination mapping, which currently is the base for public policy decision-making in this area.
The article is organized into six parts, including this introduction. Public tourism policy conceptions and perspectives are the subject of the second part. Then, the third part presents the conceptual and theoretical foundation on second vacation home. In the fourth part, the methodological procedures of the research are presented, and, in the subsequent part, the results of the research are analyzed. In the last part, the final notes and avenues for future research are outlined.
2 PUBLIC POLICIES IN TOURISM IN BRAZIL SINCE 2000
It is a recurrent statement that tourism public policies are essential for the public-sector performance, but also for the private sector, in the organizational management of the activity, at a local (municipal) and regional level. In addition to the fact that cooperation between municipalities in integrated planning regions is difficult in Brazil, the new public notice of the Tourism Ministry (2017) for tourist regions, which emphasizes that resources are restricted to those that are part of the Brazilian tourism map, reinforces the discussion. In the delimitation made in this article, there are destinations that are not on the map, but that have grown in importance in second home tourism. The policies of the Ministry of Tourism show that there are no actions and goals for this segment, which is intriguing.
To understand the mapping process of tourist destinations, a brief review of the regionalization policy of Brazilian tourism is important. Although incipient tourism has been contemplated by public management since the 1930s, it is noteworthy that in the 1990s, the Brazilian Tourism Company (Embratur) instituted the National Tourism Municipalization Program (PNMT), implemented by the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002). The PNMT proposal was the decentralization, making municipalities responsible for tourism management, through partnerships with the community and with private initiative. To facilitate this connection, the creation of Municipal Tourism Councils was encouraged.
According to Araujo and Taschner (2012), the national tourism policy in Brazil assumed greater visibility in the 1990s, with the transformation of Embratur into the Brazilian Tourism Institute. At that time, the National Tourism Municipalization Program (PNMT) was established to increase the autonomy and participation of states and municipalities. It was a model change through decentralization of policies. Creation of councils and tourism funds and municipal tourism development plans were the guidelines (Araújo and César, 2012). In spite of an important initiative, the PNMT generated specific results. The Ministry of Tourism (MTur), as an exclusive portfolio, was created in 2003, a milestone in the history of Brazilian tourism. Embratur then became responsible for the marketing, commercialization, and promotion of Brazil abroad (Sette & Tomazzoni, 2017, p.229).
Although it was coherent to define the public policies of tourism management at the municipal level, due to the configuration of the Brazilian federation, in which municipalities are constitutional entities, the complexity of tourism implied that integration transcended this delimitation. The municipal managers were challenged to coordinate tourism policies of their secretariats with the secretariats of the neighboring municipalities, assuming regional visions.
The complexity of tourism, which gave rise to regionalization, is analyzed by several authors, including Fratucci (2014). For this author, because of the multiplicity and diversity of segments, organizations, and stakeholders, tourism is dual in its nature, zonal and reticular. The reticular spatial dimension is key to the territorial context of tourism, and the referential concept more adequate than the region itself is "territory-network", which contemplates both the zonal (municipal or local) and reticular (regional) nature of the activity.
For Fratucci (2014: 43), "this has been, in general, the misconception of our public tourism policies. (...) Space is understood only as support and raw material, prioritizing the interests of only a group of tourism agents, that of entrepreneurs". The author argues that policies are not effective in carrying out activity development projects, but acknowledges that the Ministry of Tourism has advanced in contextualizing the policy on a regional scale.
After its creation, in 2003, the Ministry of Tourism launched, in 2004, the Program of Regionalization of Tourism - Brazilian Routes (PRT). For the Ministry (BRAZIL, 2007), the Program is a structuring axis of tourism, whose focus is the creation of jobs and the promotion of quality of life, through policies of development of Brazilian regions with economic potential. The strategic government policy of the Program, therefore, is the regional development of tourism.
The Policy Guidelines state that regionalization is the decentralized, coordinated, and integrated public policy management model of tourism, based on cooperation and governance (democratization of participation and distribution of responsibilities). The regional configuration transcends the spatial geographical delimitation and is defined by integrated planning and joint promotion and marketing actions (marketing and commercialization) (Brasil, 2004; Feger & Etges, 2014).
Government policies and tourism plans became objects of study by several researchers and analysts, such as Beni (2006), who recognizes the consistency of guidelines and institutional structuring for the regional tourism planning. Beni (2006), however, identifies difficulties in understanding, adapting, and implementing tourism regionalization proposals by state and municipal authorities (Brazil, 2007).
The different contexts of the municipalities and regions also challenged the integration of the segments, even though the economic, social, cultural, and environmental peculiarities of the tourist territories were recognized (Brazil, 2004). This context led to the reformulation of the guidelines of the PRT (Tourism Regionalization Program), which was reissued in 2007 based on the model of tourist destinations, highlighting 65 municipalities (including the 27 capitals). The justification for the definition criteria was the competitiveness study, which identified the main Brazilian destinations that, in addition to their tourism attractions, were leaders in the planning and management of tourism in their regions.
According to the Ministry of Tourism (MTur, 2007), considering the International Marketing Plan (Aquarela Plan) and other studies and research on federal government investments, besides the analysis of the potentiality and infrastructure of the municipalities, 65 destinations where defined from these itineraries, which would have the role of promoting tourism development in their regions. (...) Without intending to deepen the subject, it is important to consider that the criteria for the selection of the 65 destinations were not clearly stated by the MTur and were put into question. In order to measure and monitor the competitiveness of these destinations, the MTur, in partnership with the FGV (a Brazilian university) and SEBRAE (Brazilian Micro and Small Enterprises' Support Service), developed the methodology of the Tourism Competitiveness Index (Sette & Tomazzoni, 2017, pp. 300-301).
The analysis of the experiences of the tourism municipalization by the PNMT and the regionalization of tourism by the PRT show that both programs have not succeeded in managing the complexity of the dialectic relationship between municipalization and decentralization. In this sense, the process of formulating the national tourism policy, despite difficulties and obstacles, has become more dynamic. The National Tourism Plans, PNT, 2007-2010 and 2013-2016, maintained the regionalization proposals based on the 65 tourism-inducing destinations. The guidelines and structuring principles of the PNT 2007-2010 were emphasized by the General Tourism Law, created in 2008, and whose 48 articles support the decentralization and regionalization of tourism (Machado & Tomazzoni, 2011).
Regionalization is a concept that faces an administrative limitation, as far as the Brazilian federal structure is concerned. This is because, in principle, it is possible that the tourist regions, defined based on the zonal characteristic of the flows, can go beyond the administrative limits of the Brazilian states. In border areas this problem tends to be more evident, as Feger's study (2010) identifies. However, despite such limitations, the regionalization policy was designed to be implemented in accordance with the Brazilian federal model, in which state governments assumed a strategic role in the delimitation of the regions and in the promotion of the actors in each region for the planning and promotion of destinations.
Also in this sense, the Brazilian states established their tourism development policies, incorporating the regions, defining them as strategic elements. The observation of the state plans of the Southern Brazilian states, however, indicates that there was no definition of the construction of complementary databases and that they translated the regional realities, with some exceptions of studies with indicators on non-hotel accommodation offer, as seen in the state of Rio Grande do Sul (Zuanazzi, 2016). In general, the plans are structured using indicators similar to those of the Ministry of Tourism, which considers the hotel accommodation development as central to the tourism economy, and the stakeholders as strategic asset in the planning process (RS, 2014; PR, 2016; SC, 2010), without considering that, in several municipalities, there are other relevant actors to the dynamics of tourism, as is the case of those related to the second home, builders, real estate agents, and owners.
In this context, the Ministry of Tourism published, in 2015, an ordinance determining the Categorization of the Municipalities of the Tourist Regions of the Brazilian Tourism Map:
Based on four objective variables - number of formal jobs in the accommodation sector; number of formal accommodation establishments; estimation of domestic tourist flow; estimation of international tourist flow - and in a cluster analysis, five categories of municipalities were defined. Thus, municipalities with similar means - in the four analyzed variables - were grouped in the same category (A, B, C, D, or E). The results obtained in the analysis of the Brazilian Tourism Map 2016 indicate: 51 municipalities in category A, which represents the municipalities with the highest tourist flow and greater number of jobs and establishments in the accommodation sector; 155 municipalities in category B; 424 municipalities in category C; 1,219 municipalities in category D; and 326 municipalities in category E, which represents municipalities that do not have expressive tourist flows and neither formal jobs nor establishments in the accommodation sector (Brazil, 2016).
The Ministry of Tourism confirms the policy dynamism: "categorization is a dynamic process, thus the Brazilian Tourism Map must be updated and improved periodically" (Brazil, 2016). However, the perspective of not perceiving the destinations of second home as active elements of the tourism economy and of the practical implementation of the public policy guidelines is still present. The problem defined in this study assumes that the fact that the policy-making process, as well as the planning, tends to be considerably hampered by not defining as strategic line the construction of a database on second homes, the measurement of their flows, as well as the inclusion of the actors related to this phenomenon, in the process of defining actions for the development of tourism.
2.1 Second home tourism as a current phenomenon of tourism
Second vacation homes refer to a type of dwelling associated with leisure. It is a consensus that, in order to be qualified under this condition, the owner should not live there for more than a year. It is a social phenomenon that goes back to the practices of the eighteenth century, originally associated with the European nobility. Müller, Hall and Keen (2004) point out that second home owners are tourists and that the impacts caused by the flows they generate are often similar to other forms of tourism.
In terms of motivations for acquiring these properties, escaping from the city life is a common justification for European inhabitants since the beginning of the twentieth century and continued to be an element highlighted by the authors at the turn of twenty-first century (Marjavaara, 2008). In addition, Peterson (1999) systematizes three categories of motives: a) emotional/psychological, such as the search for nature3, peace, family identity, appropriate environment for children, and the need for status; b) leisure and recreation: especially due to the search for private leisure spaces; c) commercial or investment: related to the search for appreciation and income by renting property. The search for a flexible and travel lifestyle, which could be added to the emotional factors listed by the author, is indicated by Paris (2006) and Laar (2011) and is linked to mobility in the context of globalization. Aronsson (2004) adds that the second home expresses a way of life in which mobility and the wish of staying are closely related.
Understanding the impacts of second homes is another key issue for researchers. The first and most commonly mentioned is the economic factor of job creation and income multiplier effects, which have been discussed since the 1970s. Marjavaara (2008) points out that second home tourism promotes jobs, even dying jobs, in addition to allowing the survival of small commercial establishments. The author reiterates what other researchers point out, specifying that, on the other hand, the soaring demand for second homes increases the value of land and the cost of living, so that in several places future generations of residents will not be able to afford living there, which is particularly noticeable in rural areas (Brida, Osti & Santifaller, 2011).
Second home tourism share with other forms of tourism the need for infrastructure, superstructure, and complementary services; motivating factors for travel and a travel planning process; socioeconomic and environmental impacts; generation of spending and multiplier effect; and, the development of paradigms and patterns (Muller, Hall & Keen, 2004).
There are, however, specific features of second home tourism. Firstly, it is a form of tourism linked to a form of accommodation, which, in turn, is connected to the construction sector and the real estate market. At various times, the primary motivation for acquisition is the hope for financial returns on investment, including those from property rental. The organization of the trip is carried out privately and, by definition, there is a repetitive character. There is also the possibility that the impacts of second homes will be more permanent. Finally, tourists' expenses involve not only those related to the stay in the place, but also to the maintenance of the residences (Karayiannis, Iakoviou & Tsartas, 2013; Vágner & Fiolová, 2011).
In Brazil, the beginnings of second-home tourism, as well as the valuation of coastal areas, date back to the arrival of the Portuguese court in the colony, in 1808, which brought the practice of thermalism, as well as to the influences of the doctors who prescribed treatment using water. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the popularity of the beach increased and suffered the impacts of the combination of medicinal uses, hygienist policies, and moral codes that reshaped some Brazilian coastal cities. Seaside town resorts, usually planned by private companies, like the city of Guarujá (on the coast of the state of São Paulo), reflected a composition that included the construction of large hotels and summer houses. It was, however, from Rio de Janeiro that the European influence spread in terms of beach use and appropriation (Schossler, 2010). With regard to the southern region, particularly in Rio Grande do Sul, German immigrants became the main disseminators of the practice of the formation of tourist villages in the vicinity of the sea, besides being precursors in the conversion of therapeutic spaces into recreational areas (Pereira, 2014).
The literature on historiography of the seaside occupation of Brazilian coastal cities indicates distinct movements in the occupation process. The European influence was evident in Rio de Janeiro throughout the nineteenth century, a reflection of the daily life of the royal family that was an ideal to be followed by an ascending elite. From the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, the immigration process brought British influence and even more Germanic influence, particularly in the southern region (Pereira, 2014). The records are clear on this in Rio Grande do Sul and less emphatically, but also relevant, on Santa Catarina and Paraná.
In Rio Grande do Sul, the initial use stage of the coastal spaces is related to health care practices and it developed more strongly in places where the means of transportation made possible the flows, as in the present beach of Cassino, in Rio Grande. In Santa Catarina, the capital Florianópolis was transformed into a privileged space for the German-Brazilian elites (Schossler, 2010). In regard to Paraná, the German influence is also perceived, despite the smaller volume of immigration to Curitiba, whose relative proximity to the coast enabled its appropriation for health and leisure practices (Gobbi, 2001; Bigarella, 2009).
In the current scenario of second homes, crossing national and international data, two major strands were identified. The first one expresses a more traditional perspective, represented by the construction of houses that make it possible to enjoy the space for leisure, whether in the countryside or in the city, in the mountain or in coastal areas. The spaces are sought after for this purpose because of their natural or artificial attractions. The demand for them also grows, strongly associated with the expansion of contemporary human mobility (Paris, 2006, Aronson, 2004, Duval, 2004 and Laar, 2011). This modality, despite being classified as traditional, is still present and expanding both in Brazil and in other countries, including those with a long tradition in this area.
The second strand is associated with new and enhanced forms of human mobility, which benefit parts of the world population that adopt a new way of life, called by some authors as tourist (Duval, 2004, Assis, 2012). One of the strongest features of its distinction is the linkage with capitalism financialization, which changes the forms of production and supply of accommodation, as well as promoting a mix between hotel and non-hotel accommodation. The profile of the modern second home has led to the expansion of investments in this tourist segment, and its prominence is presented in several spatial contexts, on the South Coast of Spain, in Central America and even in Brazil, with emphasis on the northeast region, (Barrantes-Reynolds, 2011; Mazón & Aledo, 2005; Silva & Ferreira, 2012; Coriolano & Sampaio, 2012).
Both Coppock (1977), who organized the first known collection on the theme of second homes, such as Hall and Muller (2004), have reinstated the same key question about the effects of the second tourist residences for the place: “curse or blessing?” They reiterate that this phenomenon has remained relevant, as it is updated, and crucial in the definition of territorial identities. But, in addition, its new features represent one of the facets of the transformations of tourism itself. This reflects the changes that affect each of the founding elements of the modern tourist system in becoming contemporary.
3 METHODOLOGICAL PROCEDURES
In terms of methodology, the approach in this study was quantitative and exploratory in nature. The exploratory perspective guided the literature review on public policy of tourism development and its priorities, as well as the approaches to the phenomenon of the second vacation home. Identifying the current character and concern of tourism managers in measuring and proposing actions related to second homes flows are important elements to support the reflection on their omission from the Brazilian public policies.
Statistics on occasional use housing in the Demographic Census of IBGE (2000 and 2010) were assumed as the essential data of second homes in Brazil. These were collected from the IBGE Automatic Data Recovery System, based on Table 1310. Such base, as previously discussed, is considered as an indicator of the use of the house for rest and leisure. Regardless of the motivation of the owner when buying a property, such as house rental for leisure purposes, the classification continues to be adequate to refer to the volume of second homes.
Additionally, the data produced in the process of mapping the Brazilian tourism were analyzed, which generated the current classification of the destinations. According to MTUR (2015a), the process is based on the measurement of four variables combined. These are: 1) number of formal establishments, whose main activity is lodging, obtained from the Annual Social Information Relation (RAIS, Ministry of Labor and Employment); 2) number of formal jobs in the accommodation sector (RAIS, Ministry of Labor and Employment); 3) Estimate of tourists from the Study of Domestic Tourist Demand, made by the Institute of Economic Research Foundation (FIPE / Ministry of Tourism); 4) estimation of tourists from the International Demand Study. With these variables, classification strata were defined. Each class in which the Brazilian destinations were framed was defined by mean values of volumes in each of the specified variables, which were used as reference in the analysis and cross-checking process.
A quantitative study of exploratory nature was carried out, using descriptive statistics as a resource for analysis of the results, with the purpose of structuring and interpreting crossed data (Severino, 2013). The analysis of the secondary data involved collection, systematization, and interpretation, in order to explain the participation, in terms of volume, of the second coastal residences. Data were collected exclusively for the coastal municipalities in the three southern Brazilian states. Then, they were compared to the tourist destination ranking by the Ministry of Tourism, in this case evidencing, exclusively, the coastal destinations in the three states.
4 ANALYSIS OF SEARCH RESULTS
In Brazil, in the early twentieth century, the popularity of the beach increased and suffered the impacts of the combination of medicinal uses, hygienist policies, and moral codes that reshaped some Brazilian coastal cities. Seaside town resorts, usually planned by private companies, like Guarujá (on the coast of the state of São Paulo), reflected a composition that included the construction of large hotels and summer houses. It was, however, from Rio de Janeiro that the European influence spread in terms of beach use and appropriation (Schossler, 2010). Regarding the southern region, particularly in Rio Grande do Sul, German immigrants were the main disseminators of the practice of organizing tourist areas linked to coastal areas, constituting the first groups of secondary residents, as well as investors in hotel accommodation (Pereira, 2014).
Although the phenomenon of the second home is not strictly linked to the postwar context, the growth of road infrastructure was essential for its expansion, due to the greater accessibility to tourist centers, including coastal villages. From the point of view of national statistics, since the 1970s, the number of second homes has been made visible through the Demographic Census (Assis, 2003; Sena & Queiroz, 2006). The data obtained by the IBGE, allow to explain its magnitude and spatial distribution. In terms of volume, the Brazilian South region is the one where the percentage of second homes in the total universe is more significant, both in the 2000 Census and in the 2010 Census. In the last Census, 7% of all residences in this region were second homes.
In the three states, it is observed that the volume of second homes, estimated based on the official IBGE, is substantial. The number of second homes in relation to the total is expressive, particularly in the coastal areas of the states of Paraná (38%) and the Rio Grande do Sul (41%). This confirms that the valuation of leisure and recreation activities, associated with the tradition of summering near the sea, developing seaside resorts, observed since the nineteenth century on the coast of the three states, remains a relevant feature in the occupation of these spaces (Schossler, 2010; Enke, 2013; Sayão, 2012; Gobbi, 1997; Esteves, 2011).
In addition, between 2000 and 2010, the three states showed an increase in the total number of second homes: the state of Paraná had the lowest growth rate, 14%; Santa Catarina, 28%, and the Rio Grande do Sul, with 24%. In terms of total number and growth rate the phenomenon of vacation homes remains not only expressive in this region, but there are also factors that motivate growth. This longevity is an important indicator that tourism development is associated with this segment in this context.
4.1 The main destinations of second home in the three southern states in their positioning in the tourism categorization issued by the Ministry of Tourism
The Brazilian tourism map specifies a classification of destinations, from A to E, based on four variables, which translate the volume of jobs and formal hotel establishments, as well as the flows of domestic and international tourists. Destinations categorized as A concentrate most of jobs, establishments, and tourist flows, both domestic and international. In contrast, those designated as class E had no score on any of these variables (Table 1).
The destinations in classes A and B are those in which tourism is more developed, particularly in the economic dimension. As a result, tourism has a strong multiplier effect in these areas. The economic multiplier has an important specificity in the case of tourism. It is shown that the tourism activity triggers in the destination a set of investments, both to meet the tourists’ needs, and other related demands. Lage and Milone (1991) indicate three dimensions of this process, which translate into production, income, and jobs multipliers.
Table 1 Classification of Brazilian Tourist Destinations
| Categorization | MEAN VALUES BY CATEGORY | |||
| Variable 1 | Variable 2 | Variable 3 | Variable 4 | |
| A | 2,401 | 190 | 140,474 | 1,775,071 |
| B | 458 | 36 | 7,535 | 235,855 |
| C | 98 | 11 | 587 | 58,851 |
| D | 11 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| E | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Variable 1: Formal jobs in accommodation establishments; Variable 2: Number of formal accommodation establishments; Variable 3: Estimate of the flow of international tourists; Variable 4: Estimate of the flow of domestic tourists. Source: BRAZIL. Ministry of Tourism (Map of the Brazilian Tourism http://www.mapa.turismo.gov.br/). Author’s organization.
In the South Region, 13 destinations classified as A and B were identified, four in the first class and nine in the second. The class A destinations in Santa Catarina are Balneário Camboriú, Bombinhas, and Florianópolis; in Rio Grande do Sul, the municipality of Torres is the only one in this classification. The process of classification is a contribution to the discussion on the centrality of tourist flows in the regions, however, it is not clear how public policy will make this information operational to stimulate regional development, given its zonal and complex nature, as already warned by Fratucci (2014).
As shown in Table 2, among these destinations, 12 have high volume of second vacation homes, which represent part of the non-hotel accommodation. The only exception is the municipality of Itajaí (SC), whose port hinders the expansion of second homes, even though there has been a significant growth in the volume of this residential modality in the last decade. In addition, class A destinations have more than 20% of second homes and, except for Balneário Camboriú, have presented significant growth in the last decade.
In the destinations that concentrate most of the tourism dynamics on the coast of each state, these data confirm that the economic multiplier effect of second vacation homes was disregarded, whether in terms of direct and indirect employment generation or flow stimulation. In this sense, data from IBGE official statistics, related to categorization, reveal that the economic potential of these tourist destinations was underestimated.
According to federal (Brazil, 2007) and state (RS, 2014, SC, 2010, PR, 2016) public tourism policy documents, the central objective is to foster the process of generating employment, and income, associated with quality of life. In this sense, by identifying that the destinations with the highest tourist representation of the states also have a significant volume of second homes and almost invariably have shown growth of this type of domicile, it can be indicated that the subjugation of this variable hinders the process of implementation of policies, adding to the elements already pointed out by Beni (2006).
Table 2 Tourist destinations of the southern Brazilian coast classified as A and B, according to the criteria of the Ministry of Tourism
| Destinations by State | Category | VOLUME OF SECOND HOMES 2010 (%) | 2010/2000 GROWTH (%) |
| Guaratuba - PR | B | 51% | 17% |
| Matinhos - PR | B | 65% | 20% |
| Balneário Camboriú - SC | A | 30% | 1% |
| Bombinhas - SC | A | 39% | 43% |
| Florianópolis - SC | A | 28% | 24% |
| Garopaba - SC | B | 28% | 33% |
| Itajaí - SC | B | 2% | 64% |
| Itapema - SC | B | 42% | 22% |
| Penha - SC | B | 38% | 14% |
| São Fco do Sul - SC | B | 39% | 43% |
| Capão da Canoa - RS | B | 59% | 32% |
| Torres - RS | A | 34% | 18% |
| Tramandaí - RS | B | 53% | 20% |
Source: IBGE (2000; 2010); BRAZIL. Ministry of Tourism (Map of the Brazilian Tourism http://www.mapa.turismo.gov.br/). Author’s organization.
Data analysis identified also that the destinations classified with C and D have a reduced number of formal hotels, which indicates little relevance of this kind of accommodation in their economies. However, when the focus becomes the second homes, the perception is altered, both by the expressive volume of units and by the recent expansion. It is an indicator that the economies of these municipalities are being boosted by this tourist modality.
According to Müller, Hall, and Keen (2004), the secondary residents are tourists, and the flows mobilized by them cause similar impacts on other segments. In addition, second homes contribute to maintain jobs that are dying in several places, expanding the range of their economic contribution, which is something relevant, given the ever-increasing disappearance of jobs in today’s economy (Marjavaara, 2008).
In this perspective, when selecting the coastal municipalities in the three states that presented a minimum volume of 10 thousand second homes, in 2010, again, 13 destinations were found. Among them, five are classified as C and D: Pontal do Paraná/PR; Jaguaruna/SC; Imbé, Cidreira, and Xangri-lá/RS. In these cases, second homes represent more than 50% of the total. In addition, some of them, such as Cidreira and Xangri-lá / RS, as well as Jaguaruna / SC presented rates of over 20% growth of the total of these residences (see Table 3).
Table 3 Tourist destinations on the southern Brazilian coast with the highest number of second homes and their tourism categorization according to the MTUR criteria
| Destinations with higher volume of Occasional Use Housing by State in the Southern Region | VOLUME OF SECOND HOMES 2010 | GROWTH 2010/2000 (%) | CATEGORIZATION |
| Matinhos - PR | 21.411 | 20% | B |
| Guaratuba - PR | 12.178 | 17% | B |
| Pontal do Paraná - PR | 17.695 | 9% | C |
| São Francisco do Sul - SC | 10.334 | 43% | B |
| Jaguaruna - SC | 10.587 | 42% | D |
| Florianópolis - SC | 25.139 | 24% | A |
| Itapema - SC | 13.547 | 22% | B |
| Balneário Camboriú - SC | 19.812 | 1% | A |
| Capão da Canoa - RS | 23.990 | 32% | B |
| Xangri-lá - RS | 11.571 | 28% | C |
| Tramandaí - RS | 19.134 | 20% | B |
| Imbé - RS | 18.438 | 18% | C |
| Cidreira - RS | 12.792 | 9% | C |
Source: IBGE (2000; 2010); BRAZIL. Ministry of Tourism (Map of Brazilian Tourism http://www.mapa.turismo.gov.br/). Author’s Organization
A distinctive feature of second home destinations is that the construction industry and the real estate market impact the tourism dynamics quite differently from the rest. It is important to monitor the movements of these two segments in order to measure tourism flows and to capture the volume of jobs generated. In addition, the owner of a second home establishes a lasting relationship with the destination. Thus, tourist expenses go beyond the period of stay, due to the need to maintain their property, in addition to the generation of taxes related to land ownership. This, despite the different way of stimulating the economy, the accounting of all these variables could reposition these municipalities in the Brazilian Tourist Map, including some that are not ranked.
Another aspect that calls attention to these data is the almost inexpressive growth of second homes in the destination Balneário Camboriú, in Santa Catarina, in which this type of tourism is part of its occupation process. Soares (2012) reveals that there is a significant supply in this destination, but that the pace of its growth has cooled, due to the slowdown of the Brazilian economy. In addition, it is perceived that the tourist real estate enterprises of this destination attract the traditional secondary tourist, but also the senior citizens with higher income, who behave like a permanent resident with a tourist profile. Living in a holiday rhythm and enjoying the landscape are important elements of
the real estate market of the municipality. The expansion movements in this destination reiterate a contemporary dynamic that interweaves the second homes to the real estate capital and to the financial sector that directs resources to this profile of hybrid hotel accommodation and residence ventures (Barrantes-Reynolds, 2011; Coriolano & Sampaio, 2012).
The last point highlighted in this analysis concerns the destinations that showed the greatest expansion in the number of second homes in the last decade. As can be seen in Table 4, except for the Paraná destinations, the others are incipient, but with a very significant increase in the last decade. These were classified as D on the tourism map, and one of them (Pinhal/RS) is not even classified. There are indications that the destinations in Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Norte are undergoing a process of spatial reconfiguration, through investments in second homes. Certainly, this aspect has promoted the redefinition of the bases of the economy, eventually transferring traditional occupations to the activities related to the construction and maintenance of tourist residences. This process contributes to the ratification of the current phenomenon, as emphasized by Müller, Hall, and Keen (2004), besides boosting the municipal public finances, making municipalities more interested in this type of tourism than in the promotion of other segments.
Table 4 Tourist destinations on the southern Brazilian coast that had the greatest expansion in the number of second homes and their tourism categorization according to the criteria of the Ministry of Tourism
| Destinations with higher volume of Occasional Use Housing by State in the Southern Region | VOLUME OF SECOND HOMES 2010 | GROWTH 2010/2000 (%) | CATEGORIZATION |
| Matinhos - PR | 21.411 | 20% | B |
| Guaratuba - PR | 12.178 | 17% | B |
| Governador Celso Ramos - SC | 2.903 | 108% | C |
| Biguaçu - SC | 1.108 | 96% | D |
| Araquari - SC | 939 | 76% | D |
| Pinhal - RS | 17 | 467% | * |
| São José do Norte - RS | 1.948 | 90% | D |
| Mostardas - RS | 3.210 | 50% | D |
* City not categorized. Sources: IBGE (2000; 2010); MTUR. Ministry of Tourism (Map of the Brazilian Tourism http://www.mapa.turismo.gov.br/). Author’s organization.
In this sense, the data analyzed reiterate that second homes constitute a relevant type of accommodation on the south coast of Brazil. The tourism dynamics of some destinations is defined by it, also generating jobs, income, as well as domestic and international tourist flows. There are also those destinations where there is a combination of types of accommodation, in which lodging establishments are relevant in terms of volume and expansion in the movement of local and regional economies. The classification of tourism mapping, however, does not capture these two movements, remaining limited to conventional hotel accommodation (hotels, hostels, and the like).
5 FINAL NOTES
The analytical panorama presented in section 3 makes it possible to envisage that the second vacation home constitutes a substantial element of tourism in the southern Brazilian coast, which is consistent with the historical weight of this type of accommodation. Out of it comes a series of flows, triggered by the action of the tourist, owner, renter. As an example, tax collection, including property tax, can be cited, that is detachable in destinations with a strong presence of these residences. The services associated with the cleaning, maintenance, and repair of residences are also important vectors of spending of the tourists of the second home in the destination and are not limited to the period of use. In addition, the supply of non-hotel units, through rental of real estate, also generates flows, aggregating non-owner guests.
The resonances, however, are not restricted to the economic field, extending to all aspects of the territorial dynamics, with social, cultural, political, and environmental impacts. New actors become important in the decisions about the directions of tourism, such as contractors and real estate managers. In globalized destinations, with a greater influx of capital, we expect the excessive appreciation of the price of land, which in turn, may hinder the access of perennial population.
Considering the area addressed in the article, composed of all the coastal zone of the South Brazilian region, involving three states, we must know that there are several dynamics. In each of the states, destinations in which second home tourism began in the early decades of the twentieth century can be identified, as well as those in which this activity has only recently altered the traditional features of the place. In addition, there are destinations in which the hotel and extra hotel sector (associated with the second home) articulate and complement each other, as well as those in which the second home is the sole driver of the tourist activity.
In this sense, it is stated that the disregard of these flows and territorial dynamics in the context of tourism public policy tends to generate strong distortions in the planning, implementation, and results that can be obtained. Its apprehension, however, requires an effort to survey, systematize, and analyze statistical data distinct from that which must be undertaken to measure the economic flows from business establishments related to accommodation. In addition, it is considered that it is very important to reconsider the tourism trade in these destinations, and, the more relevant the weight of the second homes in determining the economic dynamics of tourism in the region, the more pressing becomes the change in the perception of the determining factors for the development. Part of the construction sector, but more specifically the real estate segment, assume important and even determining roles in the definition of tourist destinations.
It is therefore understood that there is a need to recognize institutional and policy-making advances, in particular the regionalization proposal which assumes the zonal characteristic of tourism as a premise. However, investment in a more refined national information system, like so many other countries that understand the relevance of tourism as an economic activity and its profound socio-spatial impacts, it is crucial to bring more assertiveness to tourism development policies.
